Showing posts with label communism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label communism. Show all posts

Thursday, 8 September 2022

🔵 WHAT DO I KNOW, AND HOW DO I KNOW IT?


■ Karl Marx and the Freemasons (no, it's not a new music band!)



A lot of material like the following has been circulating again among good and honest people who have been politically active recently in the Movement for Medical Freedom and the Movement to preserve our Constitutional and Human Rights, which mobilized in the face of the coronacrisis and the Medical Dictatorship that was set up almost overnight all over the planet. As we all know the dictatorship received support through authoritarian Hygienic Fascism initiatives by a large section of our terrorized and misinformed populations. These authoritarian initiatives included ALL sections of the (former) Left, the Right, the Center, the all around and in between, and all colors of political affiliation and identity who sided with illegitimate authority and State-sponsored terrorism.

From a friend's letter who has been active in the Movement:

"Scroll down to the photo of Karl Marx.  Notice his hand inside his jacket.  This is how Napoleon always posed, and how Ted Cruz poses.  Why?  Because it's a signal of being a member of a secret Masonic society called The Hidden Hand."


The material below is published in an effort to restore some clarity on this subject.


■ A Photograph, and the Private Property issue

A.
The way a person poses for a photograph is not necessarily "proof" of anything, especially during an era when photographers were known to pressure their subjects to appear this way and that, saying "this is how it must be done", or creating an atmosphere where a person fit a particular "composition" the photographer had in mind, or took ten different photos of varying poses under direction, and only chose to release one of them. In this article there's a number of authentic photos of myself which can be used to "prove" anything about me.





But closer to the substance of the issue, what people mean today when they say "Freemason" is entirely different from what it meant in the 1800's. And also very different from what it was in the 1700's.


In the 1700's, Freemasons were one of the organizations of the newly-formed class of the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois artisans, merchants and capitalists; they stood opposed to feudal ruling classes (kings, royalty, gentry, etc.) and were dedicated to the values that were embodied the French Revolution, "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" - which eventually spread all over the world as feudalism came tumbling down with serial revolutions lasting about 150 years, especially in the West, and a new form of class society (somewhat more democratic) replaced it.

The Freemasons also had a spiritual dimension to their shared values, but it was not much more than a shared faith that the Divine is a unitary (single) spiritual entity.

Due to this, and especially due to their revolutionary character, the Freemasons were opposed vehemently by all supporters of the feudal ruling class, with the reactionary feudal church at the head of a propaganda machine aimed against them, demonizing them and targeting them with every imaginable accusation.

By the 1800's and as more and more countries tore down feudalism and installed bourgeois (capitalist) democracy, the Freemasons became one of the many unofficial formations and secret fora of the new ruling class - the capitalists - who soon became dominant the world over as they conquered, expanded, and embodied a global capitalist Imperium. This Imperialism became even more pronounced toward the late 1800's, early 1900's.

Marx was OPPOSED to the power of ALL formations of the capitalist class, and especially opposed to their secret societies.

By the mid-twentieth century the worldwide revolutionary movement of the nineteen sixties and seventies popularized the revolutionary Left's opposition and resentment of the secret societies that belong to the ruling class, and especially the Freemasons. And so a grand alliance was formed in the sphere of ideological warfare which brought together the medieval feudal church's argumentations and accusations against the Freemasons (they are "satanists"; they are "evil"; they "sacrifice children", etc.), with the argumentations and accusations of the modern capitalist class against the revolutionary Left in a very clever false-flag operation. The operation aimed to channel the natural hatred of the people against the rulers' secret societies and use that hatred against the revolutionaries themselves ("they will take away the little bit that you own"; "they will take away your freedom"; "they will install a dictatorship"; "they are working with the Freemasons", "they ARE Freemasons", etc.)

As we entered the reactionary era of the 21st century with its failed uprisings, failed mobilizations, extreme deepening of poverty and extreme centralization of the Empire's dictatorial structures, we witnessed an almost complete takeover and co-optation of most of the Left's organizations, institutions, and slogans, and the absorption of entire sections of the (former) Liberation Movement into the machinery of the Empire: our people were left rudderless, ideologically ungrounded, unprepared for this, helpless, and under constant bombardment from the propaganda war machine.  

The Empire's propaganda war has been successful to a large degree, and it has managed to generate a large number of people who "know", or who believe that Socialism or Communism is a monstrous conspiracy of the ruling class itself, a campaign of the banksters, and that Karl Marx is this or that - without them having ever read a single book or pamphlet or even an article by Marx. They just "know" it all; memes and slogans on social media, or claims by people whose sources are entirely without validity... are all the "proof" they need.

A person needs to STUDY in order to understand what all this means and how to deal with it.

One fundamental question that EVERY person needs to grapple with is "WHAT DO I KNOW, AND HOW DO I KNOW IT?" "What are my sources? And how do I know they are valid? How do THEY know (or prove) what they claim is true?"

Instead of a large number of people within the Movement engaging in this self-appraisal - immersing themselves in the process of questioning everything they know or think they know, in order to arrive at what is truly valid - what we see is millions of people who are absolutely certain that they "know" the truth (about Marx, or about anything) without being able to trace within themselves a single clue about how they came to "know" this thing. Nor are they willing to engage in pursuing the answer.


On the particular questions regarding Karl Marx and the Freemasons, here are some very good starting points:

a.
Hand-written Manuscripts of Marx, prove that he wrote extensively AGAINST the Freemasons - here is an excerpt:
«...Marx is also of the opinion that the First International Organization (International Workers’ Association) was destroyed from within by the hidden hand of freemasonry. In the "Reports and Documents Published by the Socialist Democratic League and the International Workers’ Association in accordance with the decision of the International Hague Congress", Marx talked about "freemasonry" in two places. Marx clearly stated: "Hidden behind the international Geneva branch is the Central Bureau of the Secret League; behind the international branches of Naples, Barcelona, Lyon and Jura, the secret branches of the freemasons are hidden. This is a freemasonry organization, and ordinary members of the international community and their leadership centres should have no doubts about such a (destructive) organization."»  
■ The Opposition of Marx to Freemasonry - BUDDHIST - MARXISM ALLIANCE (UK)
https://buddhistsocialism.weebly.com/the-opposition-of-marx-to-freemasonry.html

Archived here:
https://archive.ph/NPIia


b.
There's been a long struggle waged by Freemasonry against the organized revolutionary labor movement, socialism and communism. The following article documents large sections of the history of this struggle. The authors belong to an anti-stalinist communist organization.
[The article contains some typographical errors, you may need to read some sentences twice to get the meaning. There are 8 occurrences where the word "the" is mistyped as "me.]
■Workers' Movement: Marxism against Freemasonry | International Communist Current
https://en.internationalism.org/content/3741/workers-movement-marxism-against-freemasonry

Archived:
https://archive.ph/Wka5y


c.
Freemasons themselves address the question of whether Marx was one of them. Their answer is quick and easy: "he would have never qualified" as a member!
■ Was Karl Marx A Freemason
https://free-masons.livejournal.com/46309.html

Archived:
https://archive.ph/AWjsB


d.
What did Marx himself say about the accusations that supposedly the revolution which gave birth to the Paris Commune was the result of a conspiracy by secret societies? Here is his answer given during an interview for the "New York World" magazine, July 18, 1871. This is from the Freemason website of the Grand Lodge of British Columbia & Yukon.
■ Karl Marx on Freemasonry
https://freemasonry.bcy.ca/anti-masonry/marx_k.html

Archived:
https://archive.ph/ydvtT


B.
Regarding the issue of private property

The issue is very simple, but it appears complex. Marx and revolutionary Socialists use a specific terminology that contains particular meanings. When those terms are taken and twisted out of context, instead of history what we get is twistory.

Within the body of work known as Scientific Socialism, the phrase "private property" refers to the fact that the most important means of production (ie. factories, manufacturing facilities, mines, etc.) that produce and distribute what humanity needs (food, clothes, buildings, computers, vehicles, infrastructure)... are all held under private ownership. Even though they are operated collectively by working people, the fruit of that combined labor is stolen at the point of production and SOLD BACK to us at a price. If we want to have what we created together with our combined labor, we have to buy it as a commercial product at the market.

Scientific Socialism's primary tenet is that this conflict between the manner of production (collective) and the form of ownership (private), generates all of the modern world's strife and suffering. And it will be resolved only when all of the means of production and distribution (ie. factories, manufacturing facilities, etc.) come under our collective ownership. In that sense, they become the collective property of all of us combined together, ie. belong to all of society. So that what we produce together through our combined labor (everything that humanity needs such as food, clothes, buildings, computers, vehicles, etc.) will also be distributed to all of us collectively.

The phrase "private property" does NOT refer to your shoes, your clothes, other items of your personal usage, or anything that most people own that is outside of the cycle of
production->market->profits.

The aim of Socialism is to INCREASE what you own, so that in addition to whatever you use and own privately (toothbrush, shoes, clothes, your home), you will also become a co-owner of all the social means of production and distribution, and have a say in how they are used and to what purpose.

The way this happens is through the combined action of working people who seize and occupy the factories and other means of production, place them under a decision-making process of direct democracy where people decide things together in councils, and begin to operate them for human needs instead of profits. This act of expropriation is what Scientific Socialism identifies as "abolition of private property"; it is the act of rendering the means of production into collective property, owned by all of us together.

In contrast to this, the goal of most (especially the pettiest) of the members of the ruling class, is to actually take everything you own so that you'll be working all your life and never be able to get back even a small fraction of what you produce.

► Revolutionary Socialists want to take everything owned privately by the capitalists and render it into collective property - social property - that will be owned and controlled by you, and by all of us together, all of the people collectively.
► The pettiest of capitalists want to take everything YOU own.

The fact that some of our people confuse these above two types of appropriation is an act of mostly just plain ignorance, repeated without thinking about the meaning, or about the history of peoples' struggles through the centuries.

Among people who know what they're talking about, equating these two forms of "private property" expropriation is criminal propaganda It is aimed at poisoning people's minds against Socialism in order to support the capitalist ruling class in its war against the radical Left.


So to summarize:

► There is no proof that Karl Marx was ever positively involved with the Freemasons except a clever misinterpretation of a photograph. While there is PLENTY of proof in his writings, his statements, and his legacy that he stood against the Freemasons of his era.
► Claiming that Karl Marx wanted - or that Socialism wants - to take away the little bit that you own is a lie.


All you have to do is read and study a little, and talk with some Socialist you trust. You might discover a world of joyful truths and enjoy the relief of living without the lies that constrain you in your social activism for Freedom.

Petros Evdokas, petros@cyprus-org.net

Further Readings and Resources

■ Left Lockdown Sceptics
"Left Lockdown Sceptics is a forum for critiques of ‘new normal’ societal changes from anarchist, feminist, Marxist and socialist perspectives. We stand for an informed, open debate and discussion about everything relevant to the Covid phenomenon and its related issues..."
https://leftlockdownsceptics.com/about/?doing_wp_cron=1662649092.0787079334259033203125

■ Revolutionary Communist Group
https://www.revolutionarycommunist.org/explore-topics/covid-19

"Humanity faces a profound crisis: a devastating pandemic, soaring poverty, inequality and insecurity, with escalating rivalries between the world’s wealthiest nations, leading to global conflicts and wars. Environmental destruction and climate change already devastate the lives of millions of people and threaten humanity’s extinction. We are in a race against time to prevent this outcome. The only answer is to fight for socialism: a system in which resources are democratically controlled and rationally organised to meet humanity’s needs rather than those of a tiny minority.
...No capitalist ruling class has ever given up power voluntarily; it will take mass direct action, a revolution led by the working class and its most oppressed layers. The RCG exists as a vehicle to strengthen the revolutionary anti-racist, anti-imperialist trend within the working class..."
https://www.revolutionarycommunist.org/about/6248-what-we-stand-for-2

■ If you have the clarity and presence of mind to study the opposition, please see what a FORMER radical Leftist has to say in these troubled times. You can trace the ideological shift from radical Left opposition to the ruling class all the way to... not just acceptance of its propaganda, but a willing participation in the propaganda war being waged by the Corporate State, on their side! Here:
■ It’s shocking to see so many leftwingers lured to the far right by conspiracy theories
George Monbiot
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/sep/22/leftwingers-far-right-conspiracy-theories-anti-vaxxers-power

■ Thank You Greece! Thank You SYRIZA!
"...the political
program of the Left CAN NOT be actualized without active mobilization
and physical-emotional participation of the people, without a hands-on
tangible involvement of the population in the process...
...No one is talking about organizing the farming brigades and worker's
brigades that will be required to re-vitalize the country's ability to
feed and clothe itself; i.e. to create a self-sustaining economy for the
country. It seems that both the party and its supporters are assuming
that all that can achieved by conventional "investment and development"
procedures (State-directed investment by the banks; in other words a
humane management of capitalism). No one is talking about the need to
mobilize people for occupations and seizures of productive units (idle
factories, housing units, hospitals, etc.) No one is talking about
mobilizing the reserve soldiers into the self-organized defence teams
(some sort of militia) that will be required to protect the country from
Turkey's military aggression or from resistance to the popular
mobilizations mentioned above that might be thrown up by the fascist
elements of the Police.
Socialism cannot be "proclaimed"; it can only be achieved by active
participation of the multitude..."
https://web.archive.org/web/20150914184141/http://cyprus.indymedia.org/node/4968

■ For a Hellenic Socialist Revival
"Some features of this project, or junctures of this political period, might necessitate some of the following:
    Seizure, occupation and operation by the people of many industries and branches of agriculture, and the introduction of workers' control with direct democracy;
    The establishment (and empowerment) of people's councils throughout the whole of the country, through which the day-to-day activities will be administered. These can be based in the neighborhoods, the workplaces, the schools, and within the security services (military, police, etc.);
    Social or State control of foreign trade;
    Self-organization of labour-brigades along the lines of a modern democratic People's Army, and militarization of labour (more on this below);
    Seizure or requisition of agricultural, industrial or trade surpluses for decentralized (community determined) distribution among the population;
    If social assets and production dwindle and the country is forced into a state of emergency, it might become necessary to introduce rationing of food and of most other commodities, with distribution to the people according to need and availability;
    Encourage and support small private enterprise alongside with enterprises by collectives, communes, bands, worker-owned businesses, which should receive priority;
    Social control of the railways, highways, airports, telephones, electricity, water and other large scale elements of the social and economic infrastructure, ensuring that these will serve the people's needs..."
https://web.archive.org/web/20161002011438/http://cyprus.indymedia.org/node/5021

■ Endo~Media / Socialism
https://cyprusindymedia.blogspot.com/search/label/socialism

■ Endo~Media / Revolutionary Politics
https://cyprusindymedia.blogspot.com/search/label/revolutionary%20politics

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Tuesday, 24 August 2010

Değerlerimize BAĞIMSIZLIK Eklendi


Baraka Kültür Merkezi DEĞERLERİ yeni bir değer ile zenginleştirildi. 20 Ağustos 2010 tarihinde gerçekleşen toplantıda Baraka Aktivistleri herkesin hemfikir olması sonucu aşağıda görebileceğiniz BAĞIMSIZLIK başlıklı değeri, Baraka Kültür Merkezi'nin diğer 18 değerinin yanına eklediler... Baraka'nın Ocak 2004 tarihinden beridir konuşulmakta olan ORGANİZASYON süreci çerçevesinde toplam 19 değeri konuşuldu. Uzun süredir devam eden süreç nedeniyle güncelliğini kaybeden baz değerler ise halen güncelleme sürecinde bulunuyor...Konu ile ilgili ayrıntılı bilgi ve DEĞERLER ile ÇALIŞMA TARZI'nın son hali için:http://www.baraka.cc//index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=12&Itemid=31adresini ziyaret edebilirsiniz...

Bağımsızlık Değerimiz ektedir. Fikir, düşünce, öneri, katkı ve eleştirilerinize açıktır...

Baraka Kültür Merkezi

-Bağımsızlık

Baraka bağımsızlıkçıdır. Baraka aktivistleri kişisel bağımsızlıklarını tutkuyla korurlar. Baraka örgütsel bağımsızlığından hiçbir koşulda taviz vermez. Ülkemiz Kıbrıs'ın bağımsızlığını sosyalizm mücadelesi ile ayrı düşünmez. Kıbrıs'ın bağımsızlığına ulaşmasını ve sosyalizmi önüne hedef olarak koyar.

Baraka'nın kişisel bağımsızlıktan anladığı şey, kendi kafasının dikine gitmek, örgütsüzlük ve "benbilirim"cilik değildir. Bizim için bireysel bağımsızlık; sosyal, ekonomik ve düşünsel anlamda kendine yeterli bireyler olmaktır. Böylesi bir bağımsızlık, kendi gibi bağımsız diğer bireylerin düşüncelerine önem vermeyi, kolektif olarak hareket edebilme olgunluğunu gösterebilmeyi ve tartışma yolu ile ikna olmaya açık olabilmeyi içerir. Bağımsız bireyler olarak ne birileri tarafından (iyi amaçlar için dahi olsa) körü körüne yönlendirilmeyi ne de başka kişileri körükörüne yönlendirmeyi kabul ederiz. Bizler ortak amaçlara ortak süreçlerden geçerek varmaya azimli bağımsız bireyler olarak açık tartışma yolu ile iknaya ve pratik eylemin eleştirisine kıymet veririz.


Baraka örgütsel bağımsızlık ile sekterliğin birbirine karıştırılmaması gerektiğinin farkındadır. Baraka'nın iş-güç-eylem birlikteliği ve cephe tarzı ilişkilere bakışı Çalışma Tarzı'nda ortaya konmuştur. Ancak burada kısaca söylemek gerekirse, Baraka bu tarz birlikteliklere sıcak bakmaktadır. Baraka'nın örgütsel bağımsızlığı; ister ekonomik-demokratik, ister siyasi isterse de ideolojik mücadele alanından olsun, kendi dışında hiçbir örgütün ekonomik, idari veya fiziki kontrolü altına girmeyi kabul etmemesine dayanır. Baraka kendi kendisini finanse eder, kendi kararlarını alır ve kendi uygulama metotlarını geliştirir. Bunları yaparken dayanışma ilişkilerine girmekten korkmaz ama ne belirleyen ne de belirlenen olmamaya özen gösterir. Ülkemizde alan örgütlenmelerinin (kadın, kültür, gençlik, ekoloji, sendika vb.) partilere bağımlı olması neredeyse kural durumundadır. Baraka olumlu bulduğu bir partiyle dahi bu tarz bir ilişki içine girmeyi yanlış bulur. Çünkü Baraka sadece kendisinin değil BÜTÜN ALAN ÖRGÜTLERİNİN her bakımdan partilerden bağımsız olması gerektiği fikrindedir. Baraka'nın alan bağımsızlığından veya örgütsel bağımsızlıktan anladığı şey ideolojiden bağımsızlık değildir. Baraka devrimci(Marksist) ideolojiye sıkı sıkıya bağlıdır ve bu ideolojiye kendi alanından katkı koymak için örgütsel bağımsızlığın önde gelen bir şart olduğunun bilincindedir.

Baraka anti-kapitalist zeminde bağımsız bir Kıbrıs için mücadele eder. Ancak bu kendi içine kapalı bir ulusalcı bağımsızlık olmadığı gibi, "kurtuluş" adına emperyalist oluşumlara (AB,BM) bel bağlamak da değildir. Bugün siyasi anlamda bağımsız olduğu iddia edilen ülkelerin, ekonomik, kültürel, askeri ve idari anlamda emperyalizmin yeni-sömürgeleri oldukları olgusu inkar edilemez. Öyleyse Kıbrıs için talep ettiğimiz bağımsızlık, şekilsel bir sözde bağımsızlık değil; her yönü ile gerçek bir bağımsızlık olmalıdır. Bağımsız bir ülkede yaşayan bağımsız bir halk, dünya halklarının bağımsız (demek ki gönüllü) bir dayanışma ağı oluşturmasının temel koşuludur. Enternasyonalizmin en önemli özelliği halkların gönüllü (demek ki bağımsız) ortak mücadele ve dayanışma birlikteliğine dayanıyor olmasıdır.

Tüm bu sebeplerle Baraka, bağımsızlıkçıdır ve Baraka aktivistleri bulundukları her zeminde gerçek bağımsızlık için mücadele ederler.

http://www.baraka.cc/

http://www.facebook.com/notes/baraka-kultur/degerlerimize-bagimsizlik-eklendi/435884612160



~~~~~~~~~~

Saturday, 6 March 2010

From the Weather Underground Organization: MARCH 6 1970-2010

We've just received this communication from our friends and comrades Bill Ayers and Bernardine Dohrn of the Weather Underground Organization.

Every day is a day to honour the dead and fight for the living - but today is a special one.

Cyprus IndyMedia Collective

* * *



MARCH 6 1970-2010

A front page headline in the New York Times on March 7, 1970 announced: “Townhouse Razed by Blast and Fire; Man’s Body Found.” The story described an elegant four-story brick building in Greenwich Village destroyed by three large explosions and a raging fire “probably caused by leaking gas” at about noon on Friday, March 6.

The body was later identified as belonging to 23-year old Ted Gold, a leader of the 1968 student strike at Columbia University, a teacher, and a member of a “militant faction of Students for a Democratic Society.” Over the next several days two more bodies were discovered—Diana Oughton and Terry Robbins had both been student leaders, civil rights and anti-war activists—and by March 15 the Times reported that police had found “57 sticks of dynamite, four homemade pipe bombs and about thirty blasting caps in the rubble,” and referred to the townhouse for the first time as a “bomb factory.” That awful event announced widely the existence of the Weather Underground, in some ways the most notorious, but far from the only group of Americans to take up armed struggle as a protest tool at that moment—the story took off from there, growing, changing, and accelerating every day

A few days after the Townhouse explosion Ralph Featherstone and William “Che” Payne, two “black militants," associated with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, according to Time magazine, “were killed when their car was blasted to bits” by a bomb police said was being transported to Washington D.C. to protest the prosecution of SNCC leader H. Rap Brown. The Black Liberation Army leapt onto the national scene, and other organized groups—Puerto Rican independistas, Native American first nation militants, and Chicano separatists— emerged demanding self-determination and justice.

Violent resistance to violence was far from an isolated phenomenon: Time noted that in 1969 there had been 61 bombings on college campuses, most targeting ROTC and other war-related targets, and 93 bomb explosions in New York, half of them classified as political,” a category that was “virtually non-existent ten years ago.” According to the FBI, from the start of 1969 to mid-April 1970, there were 40,934 bombings, attempted bombings, and bomb threats. Out of this total, 975 had been explosive, as opposed to incendiary, attacks, meaning that on average, two bombs planned, constructed, and placed, detonated every day for more than a year. Our national history includes times of anarchist resistance, labor militancy, massive unreported (and still largely unacknowledged) slave rebellions, and the armed abolitionism of John Brown; the late 1960’s and 1970’s was becoming one of those times.

How had it come to this?

Empire, invasion, and occupation always earn blow-back. In 1965 most Americans supported the war, but by 1968 people had turned massively against it—the result of protest and organizing and a burgeoning peace movement, and of civil rights leaders like the militants from SNCC, Muhammad Ali, and Martin Luther King, Jr. denouncing the war as illegal and immoral. Even more important, veterans came home and told the truth about the reality of aggression and occupation and war crimes. The US government found itself isolated around the world and in profound and growing conflict with its own people inside its own borders. The Vietnamese themselves were decisive: they refused to be defeated. The Tet Offensive in 1968 destroyed any fantasy of an American victory, and when President Lyndon Johnson announced at the end of March, 1968 that he would not run for re-election, it seemed to us we had won a victory.

But peace proved to be a dream deferred, for the war did not end—it escalated into an air and sea war, expanded into all of Cambodia and Laos, and every week the war dragged on another six thousand people were murdered in Southeast Asia. Six thousand human beings—massive, unthinkable numbers—were thrown into the furnaces of war and death that had been constructed by our own government. The war was lost, but the terror continued. All Vietnamese territories outside US control were declared “free-fire zones” and airplanes rained bombs and napalm on anything that moved, destroying crops and live-stock and entire villages. John McCain, an unremorseful war criminal, flew some of those missions. As a young lieutenant, John Kerry testified in Senate hearings at the time that US troops committed war crimes every day as a matter of policy, not choice.

No one knew precisely how to proceed, for the anti-war movement had done what it had set out to do—we’d persuaded the American people to oppose the war, built a massive movement and a majority peace sentiment—and still we couldn’t find any sure-fire way to stop the killing; millions of people mobilized for peace, and our project, our task and our obsession, was so simple to state, so excruciatingly difficult to achieve: peace now. The war slogged on into a murky and unacceptable future, and the anti-war forces splintered then—some of us tried to organize a peace wing within the Democratic Party, others organized in factories and work-places, some fled to Europe or Africa or Canada, others to communes, the land, and hopeful but small organizing projects. Some began to build a vehicle to fight the war-makers by other means, a clandestine force that would, we hoped, survive what we thought of as an impending American totalitarianism. Every choice was contemplated, each seemed a possibility then—and we had friends and family in every camp—and no choice seemed utterly beyond the pale.

The Weather Underground carried out a series of illegal and symbolic attacks on property then, some 20 acts over its entire existence, and no one was killed or harmed; the goal was not to terrorize people, but to scream out the message that the US government and its military were committing acts of terrorism in our name, and that the American people should never tolerate that. Some felt that our actions were misguided at best, off-the-tracks, indefensible and even despicable, and that case is not impossible to make. But America’s longest war itself, with all its attendant horrors, was doubly despicable, and while many stood up, who in fact did the right thing; who ended the war; who transformed the world?

We began to think of ourselves as part of the Third World project—revolutionary liberation movements demanding justice and freeing themselves from empire, we believed, would also transform the world. We thought that we who lived in the metropolis of empire had a special duty to “oppose our own imperialism” and to resist our own government’s imperial dreams. Eventually we came to think that we could make a revolution, and that in any case it was our responsibility to try. It was a big stretch, but every revolution is impossible until it occurs; after the fact, every revolution seems inevitable.

All of that was forty years ago—lots of water under the bridge since then, raging rivers and cascading falls, rapids and torrents, chutes and ladders—a long time in the life of a person—the young become the old, and stories get retold. But it’s also a matter of perspective: the meaning of any historical event will always be contested, and the more recent the event, the fiercer the contestation. The last word has not been written about the radical movements of youth in Europe in 1968, and certainly the meaning of the Black Freedom Movement or of the US invasion and occupation of Viet Nam and the various American reactions to that catastrophe—from mindless jingoism to sincere patriotism, from reluctant participation to gung-ho brutality, from protest to armed resistance—are far from settled. We’re reminded of the Chinese premier Chou En Lai responding to a French journalist’s question many years ago about the impact of the 18th Century French revolution on the 20th Century Chinese revolution. He thought for quite awhile and finally said, “It’s too soon to tell.” Forty years is less than the blink of an eye.

The big wheel keeps on turning: events and actions and adventures plunge relentlessly forward and nothing withstands the whirlwind of life on-the-move and history in-the-making. No single narrative can ever adequately speak to the diversity and complexity of human experience, for meaning itself is in the mix, always contested and never easily settled. Because meaning is made and remade in the present tense, our backward glances are now necessarily refracted through the US defeat in Viet Nam, the steady decline of empire, the hollowing out of the economy through militarism, the destruction of our political system, the environmental catastrophe that capitalism wrought, the terror attacks of 9/11 and the subsequent invasions and occupations and wars that continue as defining features of our national life. There is no sturdy accounting of distant times: everything must change, no one and nothing remains the same.

Many who knew and loved them 40 years ago, choose to remember Ted Gold, Diana Oughton, Terry Robbins, Ralph Featherstone, and Che Payne every day as beautiful and committed young people who believed fiercely in peace and justice and freedom, believed further that all men and women are of incalculable value, and thought that they had a personal and urgent responsibility to act on that deep belief. We think of Brecht: a smile is a kind of indifference to injustice. And then we turn to Rosa Luxemburg writing to a friend from prison: love your own life enough to care for the children and the elderly, to enjoy a good meal and a beautiful sunset, to embrace friends and lovers; and love the world enough to put your shoulder on history’s great wheel when required.

We have not forgotten our fallen friends, not for a moment. March 6 is for us a time of more formal remembrance. Their deaths and all that followed offered us an opportunity to reconsider and recover. We were able to recommit and to see that the first casualty of making oneself into an instrument of war is always one’s own humanity, that, in the words of the poet Marge Piercy, “conscience is the sword we wield. Conscience is the sword that runs us through.” We remember our lost comrades, their many brave, as well as their damaging last acts, and we continue to vibrate with the hope and despair they embodied then.

Bill Ayers, Bernardine Dohrn
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Editorial Note:
We reproduce here the first communication from the Weather Underground to show the spirit of the times - and because we still embrace the political and moral validity of that path, as well as its slogan: "Arm the Spirit!"


Communiqué #1 From The Weatherman Underground

From /The Berkeley Tribe/, July 31, 1970. The Red Mountain Tribe.


Hello. This is Bernardine Dohrn.

I'm going to read A DECLARATION OF A STATE OF WAR.

This is the first communication from the Weatherman underground.

All over the world, people fighting Amerikan imperialism look to Amerika's youth to use our strategic position behind enemy lines to join forces in the destruction of the empire.

Black people have been fighting almost alone for years. We've known that our job is to lead white kids into armed revolution. We never intended to spend the next five or twenty-five years of our lives in jail. Ever since SDS became revolutionary, we've been trying to show how it is possible to overcome the frustration and impotence that comes from trying to reform this system. Kids know the lines are drawn revolution is touching all of our lives. Tens of thousands have learned that protest and marches don't do it. Revolutionary violence is the only way.

Now we are adapting the classic guerrilla strategy of the Viet Cong and the urban guerrilla strategy of the Tupamaros to our own situation here in the most technically advanced country in the world.

Ché taught us that "revolutionaries move like fish in the sea." The alienation and contempt that young people have for this country has created the ocean for this revolution.

The hundreds and thousands of young people who demonstrated in the Sixties against the war and for civil rights grew to hundreds of thousands in the past few weeks actively fighting Nixon's invasion of Cambodia and the attempted genocide against black people. The insanity of Amerikan "justice" has added to its list of atrocities six blacks killed in Augusta, two in Jackson and four white Kent State students, making thousands more into revolutionaries.

The parents of "privileged" kids have been saying for years that the revolution was a game for us. But the war and the racism of this society show that it is too fucked-up. We will never live peaceably under this system.

This was totally true of those who died in the New York townhouse explosion. The third person who was killed there was Terry Robbins, who led the first rebellion at Kent State less than two years ago.

The twelve Weathermen who were indicted for leading last October's riots in Chicago have never left the country. Terry is dead, Linda was captured by a pig informer, but the rest of us move freely in and out of every city and youth scene in this country. We're not hiding out but we're invisible.

There are several hundred members of the Weatherman underground and some of us face more years in jail than the fifty thousand deserters and draft dodgers now in Canada. Already many of them are coming back to join us in the underground or to return to the Man's army and tear it up from inside along with those who never left.

We fight in many ways. Dope is one of our weapons. The laws against marijuana mean that millions of us are outlaws long before we actually split. Guns and grass are united in the youth underground.

Freaks are revolutionaries and revolutionaries are freaks. If you want to find us, this is where we are. In every tribe, commune, dormitory, farmhouse, barracks and townhouse where kids are making love, smoking dope and loading guns—fugitives from Amerikan justice are free to go.

For Diana Oughton, Ted Gold and Terry Robbins, and for all the revolutionaries who are still on the move here, there has been no question for a long time now—we will never go back.

Within the next fourteen days we will attack a symbol or institution of Amerikan injustice. This is the way we celebrate the example of Eldridge Cleaver and H. Rap Brown and all black revolutionaries who first inspired us by their fight behind enemy lines for the liberation of their people.

Never again will they fight alone.

May 21, 1970

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